Professor Thomas Healy explains why the landmark 1964 Supreme Court decision remains
central to protections for speech about public officials.
For Constitution Day, Thomas Healy, the Board of Visitors Distinguished Professor
of Law at Seton Hall Law School who teaches the First Amendment, points to New York
Times Co. v. Sullivan as a landmark Supreme Court decision protecting speech about
government and public officials.
“I think it’s the most important case in First Amendment law,” Healy said. The 1964
decision established that public officials cannot recover damages for defamatory false
statements about their official conduct unless they show the speaker knew the statements
were false or acted with reckless disregard for whether they were true.
The case resulted from a paid advertisement published in The New York Times during
the civil rights movement seeking donations for the legal defense of Martin Luther
King Jr. and describing the treatment of civil rights demonstrators in Alabama. The
advertisement contained several minor factual inaccuracies.
L.B. Sullivan, a Montgomery, Alabama, city commissioner who oversaw the police department,
sued the Times and several individuals named in the advertisement. An Alabama jury
awarded Sullivan $500,000 in damages. The Supreme Court unanimously reversed the judgment,
holding that the First Amendment requires greater protection for criticism of public
officials.
For Healy, the ruling’s significance lies in protecting mistakes made during public
debate. Under the Alabama standard, he said, “regardless how hard you worked, how
careful you were, if you got it wrong, you were subject to liability.”
The Supreme Court instead recognized the need for “breathing space” in public debate.
Without it, Healy said, people could hesitate to speak about government even when
they believe they are reporting accurately. “You are not likely to talk freely and
openly about the government,” he said.
Healy points to Elon Musk to illustrate how the principle applies to prominent public
figures today. Because Musk is a public figure, he must meet the higher standard to
prevail in a defamation claim. “It’s hard to show that somebody knew something was
false,” Healy said. “Basically, you’d have to show that they were lying.”
Social media has further changed the reach of the Sullivan standard. When the case
was decided in 1964, major news organizations were among the few institutions with
the ability to reach large audiences. Today, individuals can address millions of people
through social media. The protection also extends beyond traditional news organizations.
Healy said the same constitutional standard can protect individuals who make false
and defamatory statements about public figures on social media.
Healy also emphasizes the decision’s importance to the civil rights movement. In his
view, the lawsuits that gave rise to Sullivan were part of an effort by Southern segregationists
to limit national news coverage of the movement. Without that coverage, he said, civil
rights demonstrators would have had a more difficult time spreading their message
and gaining public support. He cited the late Rep. John Lewis, who said, “Without
the press, the civil rights movement would have been like a bird without wings.”
More than 60 years after the Supreme Court decided New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
Healy sees the case as central to the First Amendment and to Americans’ ability to
question those in power, challenge official conduct and participate in public debate.
For Healy, that freedom depends on allowing room for mistakes. Without it, the fear
of getting something wrong could silence voices that are essential to a free society.
Sullivan, he argues, helps ensure that the price of speaking out is not perfection.
To learn more about the case, read Samantha Barbas’ Actual Malice: Civil Rights and Freedom of the Press in New York Times v. Sullivan and Healy’s review of the book in the Michigan Law Review.
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